真實譯文展示（如有保密內(nèi)容均以XX代替）
Real translation show (All confidential contents are replaced with XX)
Until the 1980s, mobility in China was extremely low, and most people lived in and were tied to their place of birth. The hukou system was formalized in the late 1950s by the government to register Chinese citizens according to their place of origin, which also determined their source of livelihood. Specifically, rural people were assigned rural hukou and access to farmland, and urban citizens were assigned urban hukou and allocated urban housing and jobs.
在上世紀80年代之前，中國的人口流動性極低，大多數(shù)人的生活區(qū)域僅限于他們的出生地。上世紀50年代末，中國政府根據(jù)公民出生地進行居民登記，這也決定了公民的生計來源，戶籍制度由此形成。尤其是農(nóng)村人口被劃為農(nóng)業(yè)戶口，可以獲得耕地，城市居民擁有城市戶口，可分配城市住房和就業(yè)。
In general, there is great disparity between urban Chinese and rural migrants in cities who are without local hukou. The latter are easily marginalized in the labor market, confined to the so-called “3-D” jobs that are dangerous, dirty and demanding, such as construction work and domestic work (Fan, 2008). In addition, migrants without local hukou are shut out of subsidized housing in urban areas, such as the “affordable housing scheme”, and most cannot afford housing in the open market – referred to as commodity housing – which is expensive and increasingly so due to the soaring housing market.
總的來說，在一座城市中，沒有城市戶口的農(nóng)村流動人口和城市居民的生存狀況存在巨大差異。在就業(yè)市場中，農(nóng)村流動人口容易被邊緣化，只能從事所謂的“3-D”崗位，即危險性高、勞動環(huán)境差、要求嚴苛的崗位，例如建筑工和家政服務(wù)等（Fan，2008年）。此外，沒有本地戶口的流動人口不能購買城市補貼性住房，如經(jīng)濟適用房等，而商品房市場價格暴漲導(dǎo)致大部分流動人口并沒有購房能力。
Despite the fact that rural-urban migrants in China have not crossed international borders, their persistently marginalized working and living situations are akin to the challenges faced by immigrants elsewhere. In that light, the integration theory that has drawn primarily from the experience of immigrants is relevant for these migrants, as illustrated by several recent studies. Wang and Fan (2012) examine rural migrant workers’ integration into urban society from the economic, social/cultural, and identity perspectives. Drawing on a survey conducted in Wuhan in 2008, they find that the hukou system is a persistent barrier to migrants, human capital is crucial for migrants’ economic and identity integration, and financial capacity such as income is conducive to identity integration. Based on a survey in Fujian province in 2009, Yue et al. (2013) study rural-urban migrants’integration from acculturation, socio-economic status, and psychological perspectives, and conclude that social network is an important factor of integration.
雖然中國的流動人口只局限于境內(nèi)，但他們被持續(xù)邊緣化的就業(yè)和生活狀態(tài)，與其他國家的跨國移民面臨的挑戰(zhàn)類似。因此，最近有多項研究表明，主要根據(jù)移民研究得出的融合理論，同樣適用于中國的流動人口。Wang和Fan（2012年）從經(jīng)濟、社會/文化和身份的角度，分析了農(nóng)民工的城市社會融合問題。根據(jù)2008年在武漢進行的調(diào)查，他們發(fā)現(xiàn)戶籍制度是流動人口面臨的主要障礙，人力資本對于流動人口的經(jīng)濟和身份融合至關(guān)重要，而收入等財務(wù)能力有助于身份融合。Yue等人根據(jù)2009年福建省的調(diào)查結(jié)果，從同化、社會經(jīng)濟地位和心理角度研究了城鄉(xiāng)流動人口的融合，最終得出的結(jié)論是：人際關(guān)系網(wǎng)絡(luò)是影響融合的重要因素。